(6 NOVEMBER 1965)
Sara Ann Mehltretter
is not just
Dorothy Day was the leader of the "first Catholic group in the
The Catholic activists staged a large antiwar protest in
Before examining the speech, I will first discuss Dorothy Day's position
as the leader of the Catholic Worker Movement and the history of the Catholic
pacifist movement in
The Life and Times of Dorothy Day
Dorothy Day, leader of the Catholic Worker Movement, social activist,
protester, and contributor to modern Catholic theology, was born on
Day spent her twenties on
During her twenties, Day was not religious. She had not grown up in a
religiously devout family. "I did not think of Jesus as God," wrote
Day. "I had no one to teach me, as my parents had no one to teach them."
Her religious influences came from limited attendance at a variety of churches,
including Episcopal and Methodist churches, from reading the works of the Church
fathers such as
I was tearing myself away from home, living my own life, and I had to choose the world to which I wanted to belong. . . . As a little child the happy peace of the Methodists who lived next door appealed to me deeply. Now that same happiness seemed to be a disregard of the misery of the world.
However distasteful religion was to Day in her twenties, her personal life would later cause her to reexamine her choice to turn away from religion.
Day's personal history involved several failed relationships. Her first
serious romance was with Lionel Moise, a French Jew she met in
In re-embracing her friends and her life in
Day's second pregnancy and the birth of her first child, on
Day's conversion became the driving force in her life. The experience led her to characterize her life as overflowing with God's love. She later wrote:
It was all very well to love God in His works, in the beauty of His creation, which was crowned for me by the birth of my child. Forster had made the physical world come alive for me and had awakened in my heart a flood of gratitude. The final object of this love and gratitude was God. No human creature could receive or contain so vast a floor of love and joy as I often felt after the birth of my child. With this came the need to worship, to adore. . . . My very experience as a radical, my whole make-up, led me to want to associate myself with others, with the masses, in loving and praising God.
After her conversion to Catholicism, Day developed a fierce commitment to
social justice. She grew frustrated with the complicity of the Church in the
oppression of the poor. Before her conversion, Day was nervous about "going
over to the opposition, because of course the Church was lined up with
property, with the wealthy, with the state, with capitalism, with all the
forces of reaction."
After her conversion, she felt as though she had no outlet for her radical
ideas. Her former socialist friends spurned her as part of the religious
masses; the Church offered her little community, comfort, or opportunity for social
action. In 1932, Day visited
Peter Maurin, a French peasant wanderer, became Day's answer to that prayer. Day described Maurin as "intensely alive, on the alert, even when silent, engaged in reading or in thought. . . . He spoke in terms of ideas, rather than personalities, and he stressed the importance of theory." Through him, she learned about the Catholic Church's teachings on social justice, a tradition founded in the ancient Church and modernized in the encyclicals of Pope Pius X and Pope Pius XI. Maurin reoriented Day's radical socialist beliefs about class and society into the structure of "Christian personalism." Christian personalism is a philosophical world view that looks at each person as responsible for the suffering of Christ. This suffering is viewed as reflected here on earth in the suffering of the poor. It is a philosophy that mandates radical action towards alleviating the misery of the poor and oppressed. Through caring for the poor, individuals are able to connect Christ, who died for the sins of all men and women.
Together, Day and Maurin began a program of action to bring the social
justice teachings of the Catholic Church to the masses. The pair's activism was
grounded in Church tenets, but their views were quite radical in the 1930s. American
Catholics were often immigrants, struggling to survive, and dealing with
intense nativism and anti-Catholic feelings still present in
Day's experience as a journalist led her to gravitate towards the idea of
starting a paper. Maurin contributed a few short essays describing a Christian
personalist program of action, but Day served as chief reporter, layout editor,
editor-in-chief, and distributor. By scraping together a few donations and
neglecting to pay her rent and utilities, Day produced the first edition of The Catholic Worker, an eight-page
The paper's first May Day issue produced little reaction. Devastated but
determined, Day sent copies to "anyone she thought would read it—and then
she let them know that a donation would help."
Slowly, the donations trickled in from Brooklyn, the Bronx, and the dioceses
Day's devotion to the struggles of the working class was noted by
influential Catholic bishops, independent parish priests, and lower-class
Catholic parishioners. The 1930s and the Great Depression caused a great deal
of social upheaval, and working class Catholics in particular began to question
the Church's commitment to social and economic justice.
Day and Maurin responded to this impulse by publicizing the Church's teachings
on social justice. The two "placed the Church at the center of affairs and
said it was the only idea, the only institution, worthy of the most exalted
reaches of idealism."
The paper drew followers looking to devote their lives to The Catholic Worker's vision of justice, and a movement bearing the
same name began to grow in cities across the
The first Catholic Worker Hospitality House—a combination soup kitchen,
homeless shelter, and community center—opened in Day's East Side tenement house
By 1936, the house had moved to a double tenement, financed with donations from
the diocese. By 1938, there were accommodations in the building for 150 people,
and the New York Catholic Worker House of Hospitality kitchen fed an estimated
1,200 people twice a day.
The Catholic Worker Movement began to spread to other dioceses, and by the
mid-1930s, Houses of Hospitality had sprung up in
The Catholic Worker and the Catholic Pacifist Tradition
While Day originally focused her attention on social justice and the
rights of working-class Americans, the Catholic Worker Movement eventually
became best known for its devotion to pacifism. The Catholic Church has not
historically been considered a "peace church," like the Quakers, the
Mennonites, or the Church of the Brethren.
Although many Catholics espoused anti-nuclear sentiments after the fifties,
Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker Movement were virtually alone in espousing
pacifism during the Great Depression and World War II. After the dropping of
the atomic bombs in
During World War I, American Catholics represented one of the most
patriotic and nationalistic segments of the population. Faced with
anti-Catholic sentiment in many American cities, first- and second-generation
Catholic immigrants often embraced a fervent patriotism, hoping to be
assimilated into mainstream society by demonstrating their loyalty to their new
nation. In contrast, Dorothy Day spent World War I in
The just war doctrine is derived from the works of
Thomas Aquinas in the thirteenth century. Aquinas combined the intellectual
tradition of Aristotle with the theological tradition of
In Day's view, the medieval Church had justified war to allow nation-states to accumulate power and wealth. These nation-states in turn supported the Church financially and politically. The actions of Jesus Christ, the writings of the Church fathers, and the Christian personalist philosophy all suggested a different attitude toward war, according to Day: the pacifist tradition. The pacifist tradition, she argued, was grounded in "a prophetic view of peace as justice and in a spiritual sense of the individual as responsible to fellow human beings in need and to a redeeming God."
From its inception, the Catholic Workers promoted pacifism as part of
their philosophy. Day's early editorials and columns in The Catholic Worker attacked the international arms race,
nationalism, and American imperialism. The
Catholic Worker also criticized the Italian invasion of Ethopia and
condemned British and French imperialism in
Franco's overthrow of the authoritarian Spanish government in 1936 gave
many American Catholics reason to celebrate. Catholicism had been suppressed in
Even as the
movement lost support in the late-1930s, Day refused to abandon her strict pacifist
stance. While The Catholic Worker
condemned the German and Italian fascists, Day's stance on going to war against
these regimes remained firm: war between fellow men and women of God could not
be tolerated for any reason.
Day continued to explain and re-explain her pacifist view in columns and essays
in The Catholic Worker, but the
movement lost support as the Nazis and the threat of another world war became
more evident. Day began preparations for an ideological struggle against what
she viewed as the American war machine, often criticized by Day as "Holy
Mother, the State."
The struggle in
Union workers in steel plants, auto and airplane factories--many in industry and business would have to find other jobs, jobs not tied up with the war effort. And where could they get them? If they worked in the garment factories, they would have to fill government orders for uniforms. Mills turned out blankets, parachutes. Raising good, building houses, baking bread--whatever you did you kept the wheels of industrial capitalism moving, and industrial capitalism kept the wheels moving on war orders. You could not live without compromise. Teachers sold war stamps and bonds. Children were asked to bring aluminum pots and scrap metal to school. The Pope asked that war be kept out of the schoolroom, but there it was.
the military-industrial complex, The
Catholic Worker published articles advocating nonviolent resistance to the
impending conflict. Through The Catholic
Worker and its Houses of Hospitality, Day advocated that Catholics should
not cooperate in any way with the military draft instituted by the
With the support of the Day and the Catholic Worker Movement, the Association of Catholic Conscientious Objectors (ACCO) was founded under the direction of Bill Callahan to assist Catholic pacifists in their struggle against conscription. The ACCO operated two work camps before and during World War II, which assisted only about 135 Catholics. Despite the small numbers, Day was a frequent visitor to the camps, and the Catholic Worker Movement provided much of the legal assistance needed to become a conscientious objector to conscription and military service. The Catholic pacifist position remained clear throughout World War II: even when faced with great evil, pacifism remained preferable to nationalism, imperialism, and the ambitions of the nation-state.
Day and the Catholic Workers suffered greatly as a result of their pacifist stance during World War II. The movement split over the issue of nonviolence as a response to war. Day estimated that at least eighty percent of the movement betrayed its pacifist teachings during World War II. Contributions to the movement and to the conscientious objector work camps sponsored by the movement dried up. Circulation of The Catholic Worker dropped by more than 100,000 subscriptions. Discouraged by the lack of commitment in the movement, disheartened by the closing of hospitality houses around the nation, and troubled by the lack of funding, Day took a sabbatical from the paper in 1943. In 1944, she returned renewed and untroubled, convinced that the remaining 50,000 subscribers represented a solid core of enthusiastic, committed workers. The Catholic Worker continued to espouse pacifism and nonviolence throughout World War II.
The dropping of the atomic bombs at the end of World War II gave the
movement new momentum. While the nation was thankful for an end to the war,
many Americans were troubled by President Harry S Truman's decision to use such
a powerful weapon, and more were concerned by the nuclear arms race that
developed afterwards. The Catholic Worker Movement had also learned from its
mistakes during World War II. Recognizing the failures of the conscientious
objector movement, the leadership came to believe that their message of
pacifism had to be "less piously moralistic and more politically radical"
in order to gain wide support and impact American policy.
In the 1940s and 1950s, the nonviolent Catholic Workers devoted themselves
almost exclusively to protesting the arms race. The activists gained momentum
as they staged anti-nuclear protests in
The movement's pacifist activism reached new heights during the Vietnam
War. Day had been outspoken against the war since the first involvement of
The first large-scale protests against the war in
During the Spanish Civil War and World War II, The Catholic Worker lost much of its circulation because Miss Day's pacifist views became unpopular among Catholics. However, she says, the circulation is reviving as more and more of the Catholic clergy plunge into active participation in civil rights and pacifist causes. She says that circulation has reached 85,000.
movement's support only continued to grow in the weeks following Miller's very
public arrest. On
The event was highly publicized, and while there were only about 400 or
500 protestors there, The Catholic Worker,
the New York Times, and personal
accounts from Catholic Worker activists suggest that between 1,500 and 2,000
spectators were present.
By this point, Day represented a central, matriarchal figure in the Catholic Worker
Movement, and the rare chance to hear her speak was important to those in the
movement. In 1965, Day was 68 years old and rarely spoke in public. She was
still highly involved with the publication of The Catholic Worker but also had taken a role in Church politics. She
returned from the proceedings of the second Vatican Council in
Day's speech focused on the moral justification for the legal
transgression of burning the draft cards and, more importantly, challenged the
Church doctrines as articulated by the USCCB. Although the hierarchy had
accepted pacifism as an acceptable personal moral code, the
Day's speech casts
Catholic pacifism as the transcendent principle of Christian thought,
overriding the laws and policies of the
Day was forced to
justify the Catholic Worker Movement's antiwar position because the American
bishops were almost unanimously in favor of the war in
Day's speech was
short, reflecting several factors that influenced the rally. First, Day
disliked speaking in public, preferring to write newspaper columns and opting
for closed, intimate settings when she did speak. The majority of the speeches
she gave tended to be short, impromptu addresses. If she delivered a planned
address, like during the November 6 protest, Day kept her remarks to the point.
Second, it is possible that the brevity of Day's words was in anticipation of
the difficulty in managing the crowd. The event was well attended by
supporters, but there were almost triple the number of counter-protesters and
bystanders in attendance.
The setting proved difficult for Day: the New
York Times reported that her speech was almost entirely drowned out by
chants from the crowd: "Moscow Mary," "Give us joy, bomb
Day appealed to the higher moral law of Christ, citing the "new commandment he [Jesus] gave us-- to love our enemies, to overcome evil with good, to love others as he loved us." (2) This she drew from the "greatest commandment" given by Jesus Christ to his followers, as recorded in the Bible: "Love the Lord your God with all your heart, soul, and mind. . . . And . . . 'Love others as much as you love yourself.'" Day argued that war was inherently evil because it took the lives of "men, women, and children, young and old," regardless of whether they were involved in the conflict directly (2). She condemned the spending of "billions" on defense, because even supposedly "defensive" spending yielded "instruments of destruction"(3). Participating in any war or defensive action, even those that might be considered just, violated the commandments of Christ, according to Day.
Instead of war, Day called for a return to Christ's "instruments of peace, to be practiced by all nations" (3). Day argued that nations of the world must not destroy crops and lives, but instead "feed," "shelter," and "save . . . those precious lives for whom he [Christ] willingly sacrificed his own" (3). There was no just war in Christ's eyes, because Christ was a peacemaker who would never participate in "the immorality of war" (6).
Day drew upon her
age and her position as a leader of the Catholic Worker Movement to establish
her credibility. She was the picture of
a wise elder, with white hair that she wore braided and pinned to the crown of
her head and a slender, frail stature. Day stated that she spoke "as one
who is old, and who must uphold and endorse the courage of the young who
themselves are willing to give up their freedom" (4). Her words upheld the
actions of the draft card burners as righteous and elevated Christ's moral law
over the laws of the
Day supported the protesters by declaring her "solidarity" with them (6). As a religious concept, "solidarity" emerged from a papal encyclical written by Pope John XIII in 1961, entitled Mater et Magistra (Mother and Teacher). John XIII viewed the Church as the "Mother and Teacher of all nations." One of the central teachings of Mater et Magistra is that Christians should be in solidarity with one another, sympathizing with one another's plights and concerns and working to end oppression across the world. John XIII wrote:
The solidarity which binds all men together as members of a common family makes it impossible for wealthy nations to look with indifference upon the hunger, misery and poverty of other nations whose citizens are unable to enjoy even elementary human rights. (6)
Solidarity became a common term in the Catholic Left to describe a group of people who struggled towards a common goal. While all participants might not be subject to the same situations, the "solidarity" of being brothers and sisters in Christ united all Christians together against unjust oppressors.
Day's pledge of solidarity with the men burning their draft cards figuratively took on their burdens and punishments as her own. Day demonstrated her solidarity with the protestors by offering herself up for arrest:
…we too are breaking the law, committing civil disobedience, in advocating and trying to encourage all those who are conscripted, to inform their conscience, to heed the still small voice, and to refuse to participate in the immorality of war. It is the most potent way to end war. We too, by law, myself and all who signed the statement of conscience, should be arrested and we would esteem it an honour [sic] to share prison penalties with these others. (6-7)
Prison was viewed as an honor because being jailed for breaking an unjust law held up moral law over earthly law. The term "statement of conscience" rather than "petition" or "statement of protest" further suggested Day's commitment to moral rather than earthly law.
Day closed her speech by quoting a portion of the Prayer of St. Francis: "Make me an instrument of your peace; Where there is hatred let me sow love" (7). She ended by advocating further civil disobedience as the only way to change Church and public opinions on war and end all violent conflict. Her words were the start of a larger, sustained protest.
While Catholic Workers had been burning draft cards throughout 1964 and
1965, the coverage of the
The Legacy of the
The Catholic Worker Movement took the lead in a variety of protest acts throughout the Vietnam War era, including tax resistance, draft refusal, and filing for conscientious objector status. Catholic Workers turned to traditional forms of organizational and institutional protest, and out of these efforts emerged key leaders in the Catholic Peace Fellowship and Pax Christi, an inter-denominational Christian organization for peace.
LaPorte's death was a set-back for the Catholic Worker's pacifist campaign. Day was troubled, and Thomas Cornell, a Catholic Worker leader and one of the men who burned his draft card at the rally, felt he may have had some personal responsibility for LaPorte's act. In the end, the movement's leaders concluded there was little they could have done to stop LaPorte; part of the philosophy of the Catholic Worker Movement was a decentralized, individualist structure of personal responsibility. In following months, the movement went out of its way to condemn self-destruction and advocate alternate forms of nonviolent resistance.
However, small groups of Catholic Workers took more radical action
without official sanction from the leaders of the movement.
Catholic priest Philip Berrigan, Catholic Worker Tom Lewis, and other Catholic
Workers began "draft raids." The "Baltimore Four" launched
a raid on a selective service center in October of 1967, where they poured
blood on draft board files to symbolize the pain and suffering of war. Several
months later, Philip Berrigan's brother Daniel and four others joined the "Baltimore
Four" to launch a second raid on the Catonsville,
No matter what form the movement's protests took, Day always served as a
central figure in the Catholic peace movement. The Berrigan brothers attempted
to gain Day's approval for their actions in
Before her speech in 1965, Day attended sessions of the Second Vatican Council to represent pacifist interests to the Holy See, a difficult mission as she recounted in her October 1965 column in The Catholic Worker: "It is no easier to receive a hearing with Princes of the Church than it is to receive one from the princes of the world. There is protocol, there is hierarchy and blocs of one kind or another, there is diplomacy in what we generally consider to be the realm of the spirit." Day, along with other pacifist Catholic women, also participated in fasts during the Vatican meetings to "dramatize the struggle within the Council" between European bishops, who generally agreed that the Church should condemn any and all forms of nuclear weapons, and the British and American bishops, who almost universally opposed such a declaration.
Vatican II had acknowledged the pacifist tradition in 1965, but the Council hardly gave a strong endorsement to pacifism. Still, the efforts of Day and other pacifists prompted Pope John XIII to write the encyclical Pacem in Terris (Peace on Earth) in 1963. John XIII argued not only against nuclear warfare, but all war in the modern era:
We acknowledge that this conviction owes its origin chiefly to the terrifying destructive force of modern weapons. It arises from fear of the ghastly and catastrophic consequences of their use. Thus, in this age which boasts of its atomic power, it no longer makes sense to maintain that war is a fit instrument with which to repair the violation of justice.
Pacem et Terris would be used in the second session of the Vatican II Council to create more inroads for the pacifist tradition. Many Catholic bishops began to conclude that nuclear weapons and modern warfare constituted a "clear violation of Christian morality."
As the war in
In a previous statement, we
ventured a tentative judgment that, on balance, the
bishops called for an end to the use of violence and upheld "principles of
nonviolent political and civic action in both the domestic and international
spheres." The letter continued, however, to rely on
just war principles. The bishops petitioned the
The delicate balance between the just war and pacifist traditions
continued in the
Steven Goldzwig and George Cheney, in their 1984 article on the Pastoral Letter on War and Peace, argue that the American bishops were able to form "a new sense of 'mission' and solidarity within their ranks" by authorizing this historical statement in "moral theology." Goldzwig and Cheney consider the bishops to be redefining and recreating themselves under the banner of anti-nuclearism, a radical turn for the American Catholic Church. In contrast, J. Michael Hogan has concluded that, "the Pastoral Letter on War and Peace is best seen as an attempt not to promote but to diffuse a radical Catholic challenge to the American defense policy." Hogan argues that the letter acknowledges the antinuclear, pacifist thought in the Catholic Church, but still ultimately upholds the just war tradition. The bishops, Hogan explains, "employed the 'just war' theory as the sole source of moral criteria in judging actual policies, and ultimately they retreated into a maze of qualifications and ambiguity." Like the 1968 pastoral letter, Human Life in Our Day, Hogan suggests that the 1983 Pastoral Letter on War and Peace was strategically ambiguous, apparently in an attempt to accommodate the range of views within the church on the issues of war and military action.
This tension persists today in the American Catholic Church. While the
USCCB continues to invoke the just war tradition, anti-nuclearism and pacifism
is a growing dissident voice within the Church. Liberal theological
interpretations have strengthened the nonviolent, pacifist tradition within the
Church during the last fifteen years. The Catholic Church and many of its
members opposed the invasion of
We join with Pope John Paul in the conviction that war is not "inevitable"
and that "war is always a defeat for humanity." This is not a matter
of ends, but means. Our bishops' conference continues to question the moral
legitimacy of any preemptive, unilateral use of military force to overthrow the
criticism suggests that there is growing acceptance of Day's position that in
modern warfare, pacifism is the only "just" option due to the
destructive power of modern weapons. The USCCB wrote, "While we recognize improved capability and serious efforts
to avoid directly targeting civilians in war, the use of military force in
During his papacy, Pope John Paul II issued several papal encyclicals,
such as Centesimus Annus, as
well as other messages on World Peace days, which condemned modern
warfare and called for an end to all forms of military aggression. The Church
continues to move towards embracing nonviolence and nonaggression as a
preferred morality in today's world of violent conflict. Many post-WWII
The Catholic Worker Movement continues to rely on the memory of Dorothy
Day for inspiration and guidance. Her importance to the movement and the Church
cannot be underestimated. After
Day's memory and principles are still frequently invoked in discussion of
the post-9/11 War on terror, the invasions of
We are against war because it is contrary to the Spirit of Jesus Christ, and the only important thing is that we abide in His Spirit. It is more important than being American, more important than being respectable, more important than obedience to the State. It is the only thing that matters.
beginning of the War on Terror, articles have appeared in the mainstream U.S. Catholic magazine and the Jesuit
Speaking out against what the Catholic Workers see as the blind
patriotism and militaristic tendencies of the
Last updated — January 7, 2006
Mehltretter is a graduate student at the
 Dorothy Day, "In Peace is My Bitterness Most Bitter," The Catholic Worker, January 1967, 1-2.
 Patricia McNeal, Harder Than War (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 21.
 Anne Klejment, "War Resistance and Property
 Eileen Egan, "Dorothy Day: Pilgrim of Peace," in A Revolution of the Heart: Essays on the Catholic Worker, ed. Patrick G. Coy (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1988), 110.
 Mark S. Massa, Catholics and American Culture (New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1999), 116.
 For more information on the Catholic Worker's pacifist activities during the 1940s and 1950s, see Nancy L. Roberts, Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1984), Chapter VI "Ominous Times, Valiant Decisions" and Chapter VII "Civil Disobedience and Divine Obedience."
 Nancy L. Roberts, Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker, 158-160. See also Anne Klejment and Nancy L. Roberts, eds., "The Catholic Worker and the Vietnam War," in American Catholic Pacifism : The Influence of Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker Movement (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1996); and McNeal, Harder Than War, 131-172.
 Law as cited in U.S. v. O'Brien, 1968.
 Mel Piehl, Breaking
Bread: The Catholic Worker and the Origin of Catholic Radicalism in
 The Catholic Worker Movement is alive and well
today. There are currently Catholic
Worker communities in 37 states and 10 countries (http://www.catholicworker.org/communities/commlistall.cfm#). The movement
continues to publish The Catholic Worker,
as well as local publications for each House of Hospitality. In October 2006, the Catholic Workers
assembled for a National Catholic Worker Gathering, which had more than 300
attendees. At that gathering, they
released a statement condemning the war in
 "Yellow journalism" refers to journalistic practices around the turn of the twentieth century where reporters and editors sensationalized scandals and political events to gain audience interest.
 Dorothy Day, The Long Loneliness : The Autobiography of Dorothy Day (New York: Harper, 1952), 37.
 Ibid., 46.
 Ibid., 42.
 Ibid., 56.
 William D. Miller, Dorothy Day: A Biography, 1st ed. (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1982), 95-101.
 Day, The Long Loneliness, 21.
 Ibid., 36.
 Ibid., 43.
 Ibid., 42.
 Miller, Dorothy Day, 140-142.
 Ibid., 162.
 As quoted in Miller, Dorothy Day, 143.
 Day, The Long Loneliness, 114.
 Ibid., 136.
 Ibid., 136.
 Ibid., 136.
 Ibid., 137.
 Ibid., 139.
 Ibid., 149.
 Piehl, Breaking Bread, 22.
 Day, The Long Loneliness, 169.
 Miller, Dorothy Day, 247.
 William D. Miller, A Harsh and Dreadful Love (New York: Liveright, 1973), 5-7.
 Piehl, Breaking Bread, 90-92. Day was tolerated by the Catholic hierarchy, who summoned her to the New York Chancery "four or five time" (91). In the 1930s and 1940s, the Church dismissed Day as radicals who rightfully administered the works of mercy--something the Church supported--but had little political clout.
 Dorothy Day, "To Our Readers," The Catholic Worker (May 1933): 4.
 Nancy L. Roberts, Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1984), 35-36.
 Miller, Dorothy Day, 256.
 Roberts, Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker, 179.
 Ibid., 180.
 Piehl, Breaking Bread, 53.
 Miller, Dorothy Day, 263.
 Piehl, Breaking Bread, 96.
 Dorothy Day, "To Our Readers," The Catholic Worker, May 1939, 4.
 Roberts, Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker, 40.
 Piehl, Breaking Bread, 189.
 Roberts, Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker, 158-160.
 Dorothy Day, From
 Lisa Sowle Cahill, Love Your Enemies: Discipleship, Pacifism, and Just War Theory (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1994), 82-84.
 Ibid., 92.
 Ibid., 93-94.
 While a myriad of sources on just war theory exist, a brief reading of summarized scholarship can be found in James F. Childress' "Just-War Criteria," in his edited volume Moral Responsibility in Conflicts: Essays on Nonviolence, War, and Conscience (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982). A good understanding of recent discussions and intersections among scholars in just war theory, pacifism, and nonviolent resistance can be found in Simeon O. Ilesanmi's "Just War Theory in Comparative Perspective," Journal of Religious Ethics 28 (Spring 2000): 139-155.
 Richard B. Miller, "Aquinas and the Presumption against Killing and War," The Journal of Religion 82 (April 2002): 173.
 Piehl, Breaking Bread, 196.
 Charles Chatfield, "The Catholic Worker in the
 Piehl, Breaking Bread, 193.
 Miller, Dorothy Day, 332-334.
 Robert Coles, Dorothy
Day: A Radical Devotion, Radcliffe Biography Series (
 Patricia McNeal, "Catholic Peace Organizations and World War II," in American Catholic Pacifism: The Influence of Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker Movement, ed. Anne Klejment and Nancy L. Roberts (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1996), 35.
 Day, The Long Loneliness, 264.
 Day, "Our Country Passes from Undeclared War to Declared War; We Continue Our Christian Pacifist Stand," The Catholic Worker, January 1942, 1, 4.
 Day, The Long Loneliness, 271-272.
 Piehl and Maurin, Breaking Bread, 197.
 Miller, Dorothy Day, 333.
 Piehl and Maurin, Breaking Bread, 204.
 Anne Klejment, "War Resistance and Property
 Roberts, Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker, 159.
 Ibid., 159.
 Douglas Robinson, "Policy in
 Edith Evans Asbury, "David Miller and the
Catholic Workers: A Study in Pacifism," New York Times, (
 Ibid., 76.
 Dorothy Day, Personal Diary, D, October-November 1965,
Series D 4, Box 1, Folder 4. Special Collections, Catholic Worker Archives,
 Piehl, Breaking
Bread, 233; Douglas Robinson, "5 Draft Card Burners Doused at Rally,"
New York Times, (
 Piehl, Breaking Bread, 234.
 Eileen Egan, "The Struggle of the Small Vehicle, Pax," in American Catholic Pacifism : The Influence of Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker Movement, ed. Anne Klejment and Nancy L. Roberts (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1996), 130-131.
 Howard S. Erlich, ". . . And by Opposing Them, End Them.' The Genre of Moral Justification for Legal Transgressions," Today's Speech 23 (1975): 14.
 Ibid.: 14.
 Ibid.: 15.
 Ibid.: 14.
 Joseph G. Morgan, The
 Thomas Francis Ritt, "The Bishops and
Negotiation Now," in American
 Robinson, "5 Draft Card Burners Doused at Rally," 1.
 Thomas Cornell, "Life
and Death on the Streets of
Dorothy Day, "
 Matthew 22:37-39, Contemporary English Version (CEV). This passage is also found in Mark 12:28-34 and Luke 10:25-28.
 Piehl, Breaking Bread, 231.
 Ibid., 232.
 Anne Klejment and Nancy L. Roberts, "The Catholic Worker and the Vietnam War," in American Catholic Pacifism : The Influence of Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker Movement, ed. Anne Klejment and Nancy L. Roberts (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1996), 161.
 Ibid., 160-161.
 Day, Dorothy. "Suicide or Sacrifice?" The Catholic Worker (November 1965): 1, 7.
 Piehl, Breaking Bread, 233.
 Ronald G. Musto, The Catholic Peace Tradition (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1986), 252-253.
 Klejment and Roberts, "The Catholic Worker and the Vietnam War," 162-163.
 Ibid., 162.
 Dorothy Day, "On Pilgrimage," The Catholic Worker (October 1965): 5.
 Musto, 253.
 Pope John XXIII, Pacem et Terris, 1963, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/john_xxiii/encyclicals/documents/hf_j-xxiii_enc_11041963_pacem_en.html
 Musto, The Catholic Peace Tradition, 252.
 Ritt, "The Bishops and Negotiation Now," 110.
 Ibid., 109.
 Musto, The Catholic Peace Tradition, 254.
 United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, Human Life in Our Day, 1968, http://www.priestsforlife.org/magisterium/bishops/68-11-15humanlifeinourdaynccb.htm (
 Eileen Egan, Peace Be With You: Justified Warfare or the Way of Nonviolence (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1999), 234-235.
 Patrick H. McNamara, "American Catholicism in
the Mid-Eighties: Pluralism and Conflict in a Changing Church," Annals of the
 Musto, The Catholic Peace Tradition, 258-259.
 Ibid., 262.
 Steve Goldzwig and George Cheney, "The
 J. Michael Hogan, "Managing Dissent in the Catholic Church: A Reinterpretation of the Pastoral Letter on War and Peace," Quarterly Journal of Speech, 75 (1989): 401.
 Ibid.: 408.
 United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, Statement on Iraq, 2002
 USCCB, Statement
 Day, The Long Loneliness, 272.
 Jane Sammon, "
 Mark Zwick and Louise Zwick, "A Call to Change
 Dorothy Day, as quoted in Zwick, "A Call to
 Michael J. Baxter, C.S.C., "Catholics Should be More Conscientious about Objecting to War," U.S. Catholic, December 2002, 20.